Press Feed
FR EN
Pages Menu

Why Canada should rethink its immigration policy

Despite pro-immigration “diversity is our strength” platitudes/rhetoric coming from the Federal Liberals, the facts are starting to show that this may not be true. PhD student Sanjay Jeram, who was quoted in a column by Douglas Todd for the Vancouver Sun, said, “Housing, employment, urban congestion, the welfare state and training are all affected by Canadian immigration policy”. With 300,000 people entering the country each year (to put that in perspective, it’s the population of Laval is 420,000) it’s fair to ask how those numbers are bearing out. Ontario, British Columbia, Quebec and Alberta are the provinces that carry the biggest burden when it comes to accepting new immigrants. Ontario is leading the way, receiving a staggering 52 per cent of new immigrants—the grand majority of which are going to Toronto, and Quebec amd British Columbia receiving 17 and 16 per cent, respectively. The Globe and Mail claimed that, out of one million immigrants this government plans to take in, 58 per cent will be economic, 27 per cent family class and 14 per cent will be refugees. While 58 per cent being economic immigrants might sound nice, the fact is even the most well-educated immigrants coming to Canada have a difficult time acquiring work in the country within the first five years of arrival, according to a Global News article. This puts a tremendous burden on our welfare system. Furthermore, “millionaire migrants,” as described in David Ley's book of the same name, showed that many were paying less taxes on average than other immigrants and refugees, and not declaring their global assets. This once again puts tremendous short-term strain on landed immigrants and natives alike. Wealth inequality has also risen more quickly in Canada than it has in the United States over the last decade, according to the Canadian… Read More

Trudeau’s approach to the TPP is a good sign for Canada

Negotiating a deal that would secure fair trade with 11 nations, including some of the world’s biggest economies, is not easy. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, after taking his time to announce any progress with the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), has declined to sign an agreement in principal to finalize the TPP, according to several sources. Trudeau has come under intense scrutiny, from media at home and abroad, for not showing up to a meeting about the TPP in Vietnam and delaying the TPP talks further. Trudeau nonetheless maintains that it shouldn’t have been a surprise to anyone. Despite the reaction from most people, and his stubbornness, I agree with how Trudeau has handled the situation. In a deal that is as far-reaching, and because of how much of Canada’s economy will be effected in this deal, Trudeau should be focused on what is best for Canada. If being stubborn on the terms, and missing out on a meeting, secures Canada a better deal, the negative press is worth it. There have already been changes made to the deal regarding the automotive sector—a vital part of Canada’s economy. I find that Canada has been far too timid in past economic deals, and it is refreshing to see a Prime-Minister, especially one in the Liberal party, take a stand for the well-being of Canada’s economic future. I like Trudeau’s firm stance on the TPP for one specific reason, and it actually goes beyond the reach of the TPP. With ongoing North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) talks becoming increasingly difficult, this can serve as practice for when Trudeau must eventually come to terms with U.S President Donald Trump. Trump has chosen to remove the United States from the agreement, prompting re-negotiations. The NAFTA agreement, should it be reinstated, will effect cross-boarder relations with… Read More

War and Remembrance Over a Lifetime

Almost half a century ago, I was spending three years in England, studying the politics of the British scientific elite in the interwar and World War II years. The great events of those years still haunted the country as a whole, but the interest of historians had also newly spiked from 1970, as the government had just decided, rather than continuing the past procedure of opening official archives year by year, thirty years after the files had been created, to release almost all those of the Second World War at once. This also led to new availability of previously restricted private papers of important figures, and to a flood of new memoirs and scholarly monographs.. Coming from McGill, I found myself in a very different intellectual atmosphere. Montreal university campuses were overwhelmingly preoccupied locally with the rise of Quebec political nationalism, internationally with the long Vietnam War. These concerns, combined with the huge expansion of student numbers as successive waves of baby boomers arrived, had been having great impact on the McGill history department; Concordia's moreso. The youthful mood was frequently ahistorical, or anti-historical, diverting attention even from the two World Wars. Campus turmoil was also common in Britain, and the lively London newspapers were also soon giving lavish coverage to the Watergate uproar in Washington. But for the British in general, the two big wars retained a profound social meaning little seen in Canada outside Remembrance Day. Throughout the time I was there, not just in interviewing elderly Nobel Prize winners or taking notes from documents, but in conversations in pubs, I was repeatedly reminded of the 1930s, not as the time of the Great Depression, but as the years dominated by the rise of Hitler. by the failure of the League of Nations, by Chamberlain's failed Munich agreement,… Read More

Putting differences aside for Alberta’s future

Over the summer, the two major conservative parties in Alberta, the Progressive Conservatives of Alberta (PC) and the Wildrose Party, merged into a single party. This merger, that was approved with over 95 per cent of the vote from each party, was brought together to take on Alberta’s current New Democratic Party (NDP) government. Cooperation in politics is rare, but with this merger, the Conservative party may return to Alberta in the next election. Those on the Alberta right have put aside their differences, and banded together to increase their chances to win. Both parties celebrated the merger with great excitement, and PC leader Jason Kenney and Wildrose leader Brian Jean both announced they would run for the head of the party. Earlier this week, Kenney was victorious in securing the position, with over 60 per cent of the new party’s members voting for him. When the PC party was crushed in the 2015 election, losing 60 seats in the process, they lost their status of opposition to the Wildrose Party. It had become an “adapt-or-die” situation in Alberta. With a new United Conservative Party, the NDP now has a new threat to consider. Before the election in 2015, polls placed the NDP ahead, with 37 per cent of the vote. However, the polls also indicated the Wildrose Party had 26 per cent of the vote and the Conservatives had 24 per cent. Conservative values still existed in the province despite the major defeat, yet their ideals were split between two parties and two different leaders. This divide between those with similar conservative values cost them the election.      The united party is hoping to recover conservative voters, as well as capitalize on recent summer polls which indicate the NDP’s approval rating has fallen below 30 per cent. The surprise… Read More

Why “America First” Is Really “Americans Last”

NOTE: This article does not reflect the opinions of Generation Screwed, but only those of its author, Renaud Brossard. Imagine this scene: you’re in rustbelt America. Manufacturing jobs around you keep disappearing. You shop at the local Wal-Mart because, let’s be honest, that’s pretty much the only thing you’ve been able to afford since the local plant shut down. In the aisle, you see a vacuum cleaner just like the one that used to be made in the neighbouring town. You lift the price tag and, where once proudly stood the words “Made in America,” you see “Made in Mexico.” You can’t help but let out a sigh as you think back to only a few years ago, when your life plan seemed so simple—so perfect. After you graduated high school, all you had to do to ensure a secure financial future was apply to your local factory, which was expanding massively at the time. The application was nothing more than a formality, and you would get a good, middle-class job that was guaranteed for pretty much the rest of your life. You wouldn’t be rich, but you would have a good life. As you put the vacuum cleaner back in its place, you can’t help but miss those simpler times. When you put yourself in those shoes, it’s easy to understand the appeal of protectionism. What could be described as “America First” policies, or their local equivalents across the world, start making sense to you. Populist movements, both from the left and right, have been spouting the same rhetoric for years, although the terms they use vary. It culminated in the United States with Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump both promising to bring back manufacturing jobs to the U.S. and to drastically cut down on trade ties around the… Read More

Islamophobia needs to be approached rationally, not emotionally

When students ask me if Islamophobia exists, my reply is always the same: It does—if you can prove it. I advise them to follow the evidence when ascertaining whether a claim against Muslims or Islam possesses any merit. Unfortunately, not everyone adopts a scientific approach to understanding this social phenomenon. It has even become fashionable of late to discredit the reality of Islamophobia or deny its existence altogether. For instance, when interviewed on The Rebel, University of Toronto professor Dr. Jordan Peterson referred to Islamophobia as a term “without integrity.” Likewise, Toronto Sun columnist Tarek Fatah insisted that Islamophobia could not be defined, since it was a “fraud.” In the National Review, journalist Brendan O’Neill labelled Islamophobia a “myth.” Writing for the Prince Arthur Herald, political science professor Henry Srebrnik called Islamophobia a media “obsession.” None of these characterizations, however, are sufficient from a scholarly viewpoint. Self-evident positions, quick dismissals or gross exaggerations tend to detract from the main issue, that being whether a given claim made against Muslims or Islam is rational or irrational. Take, for instance, the statements made by conservative political commentator Mark Steyn. He remarked in the National Post, “most Muslims either wish or are indifferent to the death of the societies in which they live.” Yet Steyn provides no statistical analysis to support his case. Here is what the evidence states concerning Muslim attitudes towards violence. In a 2016 Environics poll, only one per cent of Canadian Muslims believe that “many” or “most” Muslims in Canada support violent extremism. Globally speaking, Muslims overwhelmingly reject suicide bombings and other forms of violence against civilians in the name of Islam. Studies conducted by the Pew Research Center found that Muslims view such extremism as rarely or never justified, including 96 per cent in both Bosnia-Herzegovina and Azerbaijan, 92 per… Read More
Page 1 of 13812345...102030...Last »